Ethiopian Democracy Veers Off Track: What’s at Stake September 30, 2020

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Ethiopian Democracy Veers Off Track: What’s at Stake

by Seenaa Jimjimo, Just Security, September 28, 2020

Hacaaluu Hundessa’s only weapon was his music. His sentence for singing was death. One of Ethiopia’s most popular musicians, Hacaaluu sang of the plight of the Oromo — Ethiopia’s largest but historically repressed ethnic community. His June murder sparked protests around the country and, tragically, confirmed the very repression he sought to end. What’s more, his killing exposed the autocratic DNA of Ethiopia’s government, a regime that benefits from nearly $1 billion of U.S. aid every year while cozying up to China and crushing Ethiopia’s very pro-American constituency — the Oromo.

Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed used the protests following Hacaaluu’s murder as a pretext to jail his political opponents and shut off the country’s internet access, a blackout that has lasted for three weeks. Likely fearing a democratic electoral repudiation, Abiy also indefinitely postponed Ethiopia’s elections, under the guise of the coronavirus pandemic. While the parliament voted last week to hold elections, the entire electoral process and legitimacy of elections has to be called into question, when nearly every leading opposition figure has been jailed recently and when Abiy and his new Prosperity Party were never elected as such by the people.  Among the hopes for the 2018 transition was to implement reforms, including multi-party, multi-region federalism that would set the stage for 2020 elections. Finally, the Constitution calls for elections every five years, suggesting the only way for change, is to amend it.

Abiy’s chillingly anti-democratic actions are just the latest chapter of his illiberal regime. Amnesty International reported in May that under Abiy’s rule, which began when he was named prime minister in April 2018, as many as 10,000 people have been unjustly arrested and at least 39 people — including a 16-year-old boy — were killed in extrajudicial executions in Oromo-majority regions of Ethiopia.

Paradoxically, Abiy himself is an Oromo and the Oromo movement initially helped bring him to power. He came into office promising government reforms, he released prisoners, and in 2019 he received the Nobel Peace Prize for resolving a longstanding and deadly dispute with neighboring Eritrea.

But his refusal to protect the human rights of his own people, combined with his democratic backsliding, must be understood as a problem for Washington as well as for Ethiopia. As the largest country in East Africa, Ethiopia has been a vital partner in the U.S. global war on terror and could yet provide a bulwark to China’s expansion in Africa. But Ethiopia cannot reliably advance U.S. interests in East Africa if the government in Addis Ababa invites instability by repressing Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group. Ending this repression and cementing strong bilateral ties with the United States, as authoritarian countries like China seek more influence on the African continent, is the goal of the Oromo community for all Ethiopians.

Need for U.S. Pressure

This goal can most swiftly be met with pressure from Washington. Lawmakers, diplomats, and military officials in the U.S. responsible for providing security assistance and funding to Ethiopia should call on Abiy to immediately and unconditionally release the political prisoners he rounded up both before and after Hacaaluu’s murder. As a member of the Oromo diaspora in America, I treasure my protected right of free speech. But I am too frequently and sadly reminded that today in Ethiopia I could be jailed along with peaceful Oromo protesters — like human rights activist Jawar Mohammed — just for voicing my opinions.

Fortunately, the U.S. Congress agrees that this goal should be achieved. In April of 2018, The House of Representatives unanimously approved a resolution calling for the Ethiopian government to, “release all activists, journalists, and opposition figures who have been imprisoned for exercising their constitutional rights.” And last month, 20 members of the House wrote to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo expressing concern about the “alarming” situation in Ethiopia, and urging him to “engage with the Ethiopian government and all other stakeholders to prevent violence and protect civilians, to promote stability and better dialogue, and to support continued progress toward strengthening democratic institutions.”

Congress should go one step further by holding to account anyone in the Ethiopian government who is responsible for human rights violations under the Global Magnitsky Act. The Oromo community has been heartened to see the bipartisan application of the Global Magnitsky Act across two presidential administrations to wield America’s considerable might to support voiceless minorities who would otherwise be forgotten, or even vanquished.

The same congressional resolution that called for the release of Ethiopian activists also urged the State Department and the U.S. Agency for International Development to “engage in a cooperative effort…to advance democracy.” That clause has never been more needed. Afraid of being voted out of power, Abiy, citing the coronavirus, indefinitely postponed Ethiopia’s elections, which were originally scheduled to take place in May. Ethiopia would face a constitutional crisis should Abiy rule beyond the constitutionally mandated period for elections. And while the virus is, undoubtedly, a serious concern, Ethiopia could have safely held elections as soon as last month. In the United States, federal and state-level elections have occurred in 2020 during the Covid-19 pandemic, despite the tragic spread of the virus, and a number of elections have proceeded in Africa.

Attacks on Independent Media

A vital part of any robust democracy is a free, independent press. This includes opinion journalism and outlets dedicated to specific groups like the Oromo. Unfortunately, as observers at Human Rights Watch and other organizations have reported, the Ethiopian government has shut down independent media outlets, arrested journalists, and taken action against critics from various ethnic or political affiliations. That includes independent news outlets published in the Oromo language and those that report on issues important to the Oromo people. Diaspora blogs have sought to illuminate Oromo issues, but those outlets cannot replace shoe leather reporting in Ethiopia. With the government able to shut down the internet at will, the Oromo seeking news in their own language may soon be forced to rely on carrier pigeons.

Finally, it is my hope that an independent commission will be allowed to investigate Hacaaluu’s assassination. The government clearly has a conflict of interest in the outcome of this investigation and has actively spread disinformation about his killing. So far, the government has blamed Hacaaluu’s killing on the Egyptians (Ethiopia and Egypt are engaged in a major dispute over a dam) as well as on two separate Ethiopian ethnic groups, even as it decided against conducting an official autopsy. As the highest-profile victim of anti-Oromo violence, if Hacaaluu cannot receive justice, can any other Oromo expect it?

Hacaaluu’s assassination laid bare Ethiopia’s underlying fragility, which stems from the Ethiopian peoples’ anxiety about losing their democratic and human rights for good. Ethiopia has long been a stable U.S. partner in beating back terrorism and is well-positioned to confront burgeoning security challenges. But continuing any meaningful security or economic partnership requires a stability in Ethiopia that is authentic, sustainable, and consensus-driven, and that reflects democratic values. For the United States, promoting the rights of the Oromo and other oppressed groups in Ethiopia is a national security issue.

Congress has already laid out a blueprint that would help return stability to Ethiopia. For the sake of both our countries, it is time to act on it.

IMAGE: Members of the Oromo Ethiopian community in the US demonstrate in Washington DC, on July 17, 2020, in support the Oromo minority in Ethiopia. The death of musician and activist Hachalu Hundessa, in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa, on June 29, 2020, sparked protests around the world. (Photo by DANIEL SLIM/AFP via Getty Images)

Why a National Dialogue in Ethiopia Would Fail & Why it Would Succeed in a Sovereign Oromia September 26, 2020

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Why a National Dialogue in Ethiopia Would Fail & Why it Would Succeed in a Sovereign Oromia

by Soretti Kadir – a storyteller, facilitator, and activist

Originally published by Media Ko: https://mediako.tv/opinion-pieces/

Find Media Ko on all social media @mediaoneko

A national dialogue or nationwide community dialogue is often promoted as the most productive path when a society is divided by beliefs, experiences, desires and destinies. In the case of Ethiopia, a national dialogue does not have the capacity to bridge the divides that exist in perceptions of history and its impact on current power and societal dynamics. However, a nationwide community dialogue convened in a sovereign Oromia republic could see this divide finally healed. I argue so for three key reasons. 

Firstly, for dialogue to create a story that can open opposing sides to the common humanity of the other, there needs to be an acceptance of one or more foundational truths. The foundational truth of the Oromo as it relates to the construction of the Ethiopian state is one that contradicts what promoters of Ethiopian nationalism believe is an uncompromisable truth of the founding of the Ethiopian state – that all people living within the boundaries of Ethiopia take a singular national expression as an intimate and personal identity. This truth is perceived as strengthening the Ethiopian national body politic and the rejection of this is seen as an effort to destabilize this same political construct.

Secondly, the Ethiopian state, from its inception until this very moment in time, has actively participated in emboldening the normalisation of anti-Oromo sentiment. This is in contradiction to the spirit of a constitution recognizing that Ethiopia is a multinational federation. The state has demonized high profile and grassroots leaders who promote a multinational agenda.

This leads to the final reason as to why national dialogue convened within the framework of the Ethiopian state will fail. Despite the right of people to identify more or less strongly with the national identity of their choosing within a multinational country, all attempts at dialogue happening now will center the Ethiopian identity as the common and most important denominator, dismissing that for many, identifying as “Ethiopian” is neither a priority, a need, or a part of any genuine process of healing.

In a sovereign Oromia, the state’s conceptual and practical power will take the truth of the Oromo from the margins and establish it as a common narrative in a way that takes diverse people through its narration educationally, compassionately, and authentically. By nature of something new being born, a sovereign Oromia has the opportunity to create a new community narrative that, backed by legitimization of the state, can build common ground without compromising on the Oromo’s, or any other people’s, right to be who they are. 

Creating Ethiopia was not a benevolent process. It did not involve willing parties sitting at a table and deciding that they would now like to come together under the Ethiopian umbrella. It was a brutal process of colonisation and displacement brought upon diverse and sovereign people in the southern, eastern, and western directions of the horn of Africa region. One of these peoples, the largest people in terms of population size, was the Oromo. Since monarchical rulers like Tedrows and Menelik II colonised the Oromo, there have been many forms of organized resistance against this imposed rule. The initial resistance to the earlier Abyssinian rulers did not subside because the Oromo mass saw that it was in their benefit to join the colonizing people in their nation-building project. Instead, it began to subside (only to resume with the next generation) because, despite fierce resistance, the onslaught was costing too much life. This is important to understand because there has never been a moment where the Oromo mass accepted that the Ethiopian nation-building project belonged to or served them until the rise of PM Abiy Ahmed

Abiy represented the opportunity that perhaps, despite the project of Ethiopia never seeing the Oromo mass as more than it could subject, things could change with Abiy, who was put in power by a grassroots movement led by Oromo youth and farmers and eventually joined by people in other regions in Ethiopia. That hope disappeared once Abiy’s idea of reconciliation revealed itself to be a regurgitation of the same story: forget what happened, you’re Ethiopian now, and the people who massacred your people to bring you Ethiopia should exist in our memory as a singular reality – as heroes.

Dialogue is predicated on the hope that when multiple truths emerge, a negotiation of emotional realities takes place to find a relationship between experiences that can honor all. It requires letting go of the old and creating something new, together. As one person, I believed that we could let go of our old imagination of Ethiopia and bring forth something entirely novel. I invested time and energy in manufacturing a dialogue framework of my own and pitching to anybody that would listen in Finfinnee, the country’s capital. I believed that once others understood how the founding of Ethiopia resonated with such a large portion of the people within its borders, our negotiations would surely lead us to desire the formation of new collective memories, to wanting genuine safety and justice for each other, and to the putting aside of the centralization of figures that could never be celebrated by your average Oromo, Sidama, or Somali household. It is not that Ethiopia can not eventually get there. It’s that in the context of how much people need a narrative that does not afford the Oromo a dignified place in the story of Ethiopia, the deep systemic – and community-level transformation needed will take generations. In that process, the Oromo who advocate for themselves as unapologetically Oromo, those who defend their lands and even those who do not show up with this vocality or visibility, will experience displacement, killing, torture, and marginalization. 

I just can’t imagine, considering the costs, that waiting it out could possibly be worth it. If the Oromo were to secure sovereignty over their lands, they would be in a systemic position to rewrite the story of who they are. I do not underestimate that this too will be a delicate process as there are millions of people of other ethnicities who call Oromia home. However, I believe that a story that is unapologetic about who the Oromo are, what they experienced in becoming assimilated into Ethiopia, and how that has led to the need of uncompromisable sovereignty is possible in a way that takes others on an authentic journey about the truth of the lands that they now call home.

If the state tells a different story, then the power dynamics can hold space for a new narrative to emerge and if that happens, I believe that the quality of the relationship between people of different language groups and ethnicities may have a real chance of being strengthened upon values of egalitarianism and humanity. What we have to realize in considering the value of this argument is that on the part of the Oromo, it is not, nor has it ever been, a finding of common humanity in the Ethiopian national identity that has kept peace between the Oromo and non-Oromos, as Ethiopianists and the state would like the world to believe. It has been the Oromo’s binding reverence of Safuu – the belief that in all moments is the need to protect and uphold a universal balance. This is what has made co-existence in Oromia possible. It is this same reverence of Safuu that requires us to now rectify one of the most significant imbalances that exists within the reality of the Oromo – the displacement from our lands, resources and Oromoness. 

The assassination by the Ethiopian state of popular Oromo artist and activist Haacaaluu Hundeessaa in late June 2020, the politically motivated arrest of Oromo politicians, journalists, activists and the extrajudicial killing, imprisonment and torture of politically active and non-politically active Oromo people across Oromia is a part of Ethiopian state culture. In an attempt to find a mechanism that could open up the national project of Ethiopia to people of diverse national identities, the 1995 constitution articulated a multinational framework and governance model for the Ethiopian state. In theory, this should have levelled the playing field and cultivated respect for regional sovereignty. The federal apparatus would have become a sort of roundtable where regions participated in shared rule and the genuine representation and negotiation of regional interests within this political centre. The multinational structure is an unrealised dream and the opportunity for this hope to be revived has been dangerously depleted by the systemic effort of the Ethiopian state to create an image of the Oromo as a whole, and in particular, of those protective of the Oromo national interest, as sub-human and unthinking.

This kind of assault is not something that one bounces back from. Its impact transcends generations and leaves a people and story stuck in a resistant position. In the case of the Oromo lands and people in Ethiopia, this narrative makes the ungoverned and unchecked exploitation of Oromo land and resources possible. If advocating the Oromo national interest is seen as borderline demonic and the saving grace is the further assimilation of the Oromo into the unitary Ethiopian state, then there is nobody to protect the agricultural and small business community in Oromia. There is no frame of reference that recognizes that cultural and economic sovereignty that matters.

When I look at other struggles against cultural and economic imperialism around the world, I wonder if other oppressed peoples had the chance to free themselves entirely from governance and storytelling frameworks that see them as collateral, would they wait? I don’t know, because it is also the best of human nature to remain patient on the course of collective transformation, but I think that it is equally beautiful to stand upright and say, enough is enough, I deserve to live free now, not tomorrow, not with the dream of freedom, but I deserve to live in the reality of freedom, now. Stories are compelling, and the story that has permeated the Ethiopian consciousness over the last 60 days and, in different forms, the last 100+ years, is a story that protects the idea that Ethiopianism in Ethiopia equals the best of humanity and anything competing equals the worst of humanity. This is the primary story of the state and its various apparatuses. No genuine dialogue can occur within such a  framework.

If national dialogue were to occur in the sovereign Republic of Oromia tomorrow, I think that the goal would not be to create a subversive or overt path for non-Oromo people to find and define themselves in the Oromo national identity. Instead, it would be purposed to, at a grassroots level, resolve dehumanizing and othering representations of people to each other to enable individual and collective healing and to create measures that act as organic barriers between communities and violence, in the future. Ideally, we would know of the success of this dialogue, not by the extent of the assimilation of identities, but by the successful integration of new dominant truths and stories, creating an opportunity for a nationalistic comradeship and solidarity over assimilation or submission. If national dialogue were to happen in Ethiopia tomorrow, it would hold no water because of the political persecution of Oromo political leaders, the ten thousand plus Oromo people currently being held illegally, and the extrajudicial killings in Oromia that, instead of being held to account, have been rationalized by the state.

But let us imagine that a national dialogue was still to be convened in Ethiopia despite all of the above. The goal would not be to create space for the acceptance of a multinational framework. It would hold the Ethiopian identity at the center, as the common ground, and success would be predicated on the strengthening of the ongoing assimilation process. The ends, in this context, immobilize and make valueless the means. The functionality of dialogue depends on the readiness of the conveners of this dialogue, and all of its participants, to embrace new truths. With the Oromo still experiencing the state as a colonial body, resistance politics feel essential to survival. And with the colonial body uninterested in relinquishing its exploitatory status over the Oromo and other nations, how can it arrive at a dialogue with the capacity to take from it, direction for the kind of deep-seated transformation that is required for Ethiopia to become an entity free of its violent past, and belonging anew to all that live within its borders? It can not. To wait another decade or so for it to be ready to, is not a price that I think the Oromo, or any other nation in Ethiopia, should have to pay. 

The Oromo concept of Safuu sees true togetherness as possible only when true sovereignty is honoured. It makes sense: how can I be connected to you when there is no whole me? Only I can tell you of my wholeness, that which gives me dignity and strength, this can not be decided for me. The conversation about self-determination is often considered politically, but it is first and foremost a matter of humanity. For dialogue to be productive for everyone, people must arrive within their power, and that power should never be formed at the expense of weakening others that come to the table. The goal should not be maintaining something old, but creating something new, and that only works if each party is as interested in the maintenance of the other’s humanity as they are in maintaining their own. None of these pre-conditions can be fulfilled in the Ethiopia we know today, nor, in reading all political activities indicating the direction in which Ethiopia is growing, should we expect it, at least without extreme loss of life in the next decade. In the new Republic of Oromia, the hope for this conversation to contribute to the initial nation-building efforts is more realistic. With the right dialogue practitioners, planning and nuanced execution, a national spirit that is honest about the past, respectful of diversity and collaborative in its future-making is possible to nurture. Oromo values exist not just to serve Oromo’s, but when they flourish, they will create a society of equal standing for all who respect these values. In the context where the Oromo interest over land and livelihood is less compromised (we still have work to do in protecting against vicious capitalist interest), the Oromo identity no longer living on the margins and under subjugation, and this new governmental paradigm protecting against any other identity ever experiencing the same marginalisation, we can imagine a political environment less in need of ethnic-based nationalism. With this kind of freedom, who knows what kind of political thought and vision may emerge from within communities? But before we can talk about building national consensus via dialogue, we have got to get free from the colonial empire that has tried and failed to fashion itself as a democracy. 

Ethiopia: Abiy Ahmed is a Security Threat in the extremely volatile region of the Horn of Africa! September 23, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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Abiy Ahmed is a Security Threat!

By Dr. Tsegaye Ararsa

Abiy Ahmed is the number 1 security threat in this extremely volatile region of the Horn of Africa. Peace has long been suspended in the entire region ever since he came to power and drove Ethiopia into chaos. Ethiopia has truly gone from crisis to crisis and a deeper and multifaceted set of crises.

Everywhere, across the country, the level of insecurity has risen. In most parts of the country, people live under the shadow of:

a) extra-judicial killings;

b) massacre of civilians;

c) political assassinations;

d) tortures;e) political rape;

f) arbitrary arrests;g) mass detentions;

h) evictions; and

i) various other acts of state terror.

Societal militarization through arming of vigilante groups has risen. Urban violence is rampant. Lawlessness and banditry has become the norm in some of the regions.

Abiy goes to the extent of randomly authorizing soldiers to “serve themselves” by confiscating money from people if people are seen with an amount that is above the legal limit.

Land grab, illegal settlement, an outright scramble for farmers’ land has been done before the watching eyes of officials who act as patrons to the criminals.

Virtually all the important opposition political leaders are in jail.Selected media outlets are targeted for arbitrary persecution. OMN is a case in point.

In the last two years alone, as per a conservative estimaate of the dead, over 3000 persons have been killed, and countless people have been subjected to enforced disappearance.

Millions have been internally displaced.

Victims of natural disaster such as flood, wild locusts, drought, environmental pollution, the global pandemic, and other local epidemics have all been left unattended to and unassisted by the government.

Development projects have been stalled.

Foreign relations, and treaties thereof, have been terribly mismanaged.

Foreign interferences that has compromised the national security architecture and has exposed strategic economic, military, and geopolitical, interests to risk has also been witnessed.

Constitutional institutions and their procedures are utterly undermined.

The defense forces’ constitutional responsibility is trivialized, and the army is threatened with the risk of being disbanded. They are publucly told that, unless they support Abiy’s personal right of rule (with or wothout election), they will soon be replaced by his ‘republican guards’ and ‘special forces’.

The Regional States’ constitutional authority is usurped or severely undermined. Those states which insisted on self-rule (eg. Tigray) are threatened with war.

Each nation’s sovereignty has been trampled upon and several times violently repressed.

Unconstitutional and unbridled use of power by the executive (treaty power, war power, emergency power, power over fiscal decisions, etc) has become the new normal.

The country’s international reputation and standing is at its lowest ebb. Our neighbours and strategic allies cannot trust Ethiopia anymore.

The internal instability, much of which is caused single handedly by Abiy’s political (and arguably psychological) insanity has thrown the country’s peace and security into chaos. This instability–especially the ebb in trust in Ethiopia’s leader–has now started to spill over to the countries in the region all of whom are currently unsure of how things unfold. The distant and not so distant superpowers who have a stake in the region are now openly looking for another reliable partner in the region.

Abiy is radiating peacelessness and insecurity to to the entire region. By default, he is exporting Ethiopia’s instability.

Internally, the country and its peoples are going through hell. Thankfully, though, it will end soon. In fact, it should end soon. And then, there will be a respite before hurrying on to start afresh. A respite is nigh. የእፎይታ ጊዜ ቅርብ ነው።

And then, … we will start again.

Yes, we will restore peace. We will free the oppressed. We will restore agency to the people. We will thereby restore sanity to public offices, and dignity and integrity to public service.And then, we will be “ready to run, to win, and to serve, in style”–again!

#Abiy_must_be_removed because #Abiy_is_a_security_threat! #Abiy_is_the_past!

Ethiopia: The same PM who denounced TPLF’s use of “terrorist methods to stay in power” September 22, 2020

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The same PM who denounced TPLF’s use of “terrorist methods to stay in power”

Dr. Awol Kassim Allo

I just finished reading the 25 pages of terrorism and other charges against Jawar Mohammed and 23 other Oromo politicians. It is incredulous just how duplicitous this neo-Neftegna regime really is. The same PM who denounced TPLF’s use of “terrorist methods to stay in power”, who told us he is different and committed to democratic transition, the rule of law and justice, and so much more … is now using the anti-terrorism legislation and the political narrative that go with it, against his political opponents. This PM betrayed the Oromo cause (by embracing the Ethiopia First neo-Neftegna cause), betrayed his colleagues, and abandoned the transition, and turned into a typical dictator. I will write about the charge over the next days but a couple of quick thoughts:

(1) It is highly likely that the narrative structure for the case was set by the PM himself. At the core of the allegation is his government’s discomfort with the use of the term Neftegna to refer to his regime … something similar to a desperate letter released by his office to discredit claims that he is Neftegna and that his regime is a Neftegna regime.

(2) The prosecutors under the AG’s office furnished the legal framework for the repressive political agenda the PM wanted to advance by legal means – they assembled a concatenation of some of the most outrageous charades that would make even Stalin, the progenitor of contemporary show trials, proud.

(3) The Attorney General, the country’s top law enforcement officer and a pretty competent and decent human being (or used to be), will oversee this and other political prosecutions. How are folks like the AG come to defend the practices they denounced in the past and flies in the face of the liberal worldview they say they are committed to? Do people who advice the government on specific policy issues (eg. justice or monetary police) have any agency at all even within the narrow confines that fall within their authority? What does this say about our society writ large?

Message from Dr. Tsegaye Ararssa to Ato Abiy Ahmed September 20, 2020

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Message from Dr. Tsegaye Ararssa to Ato Abiy Ahmed

This is a message directed personally to #Abiy_Ahmed.

Never mind your bogus charges. After all, it has been long coming. Your henchmen have long been calling for it, and in fact, they have been calling for our assassination and for attacking our families, somehow hoping that they will silence us. In your shamelessness, you went as far as directly speaking to the management of Facebook to disable my accounts–as if that will save you from your inevitable demise. You have done worse. (We will leave those to history–which is already knocking on your door.) All that, my friend, is nothing in the light of what our people endured under your madness. በየቀኑ ስንገደል ለኖርን ለኛ፣ ይሄ ሁሉ ምንም ትርጉም የለውም።But now that it came, it will last only for days. Trust me: we will outlast you. In fact, we will outlive you. We will render justice–even to you.And then, we will have the last laugh!Fare thee well, mad man. Fare thee well.With you gone, surely, the worst of our times shall have been gone! #You_squandered_your_chances! #You_lost_it_big_time.#You_now_belong_to_the_past_officially! #People_power!

Ethiopia: Following the Prime Minister’s statement, looting by his security forces intensified in Oromia September 18, 2020

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“Police are allowed to seize money from a person who has deposited more than one million birr in his house,” the prime minister said in a statement three days ago. Following this statement, looting intensified throughout Oromia. The regular police and special police forces are stopping public transport vehicles on the road, searching the passengers and looting their money. There is no difference in the amount of money the police is looting. A person with three thousand birr is robbed. Five thousand birr will be looted. Ten thousand birr will be looted. Twenty thousand birr will be looted. Fifty thousand birr will be looted. We are even hearing that someone has been robbed of a thousand birr. 1000 Birr = 27 US Dollar

The robbery does not take place in one place. Security forces in all Oromia zones and districts are looting the public in broad daylight. The government security forces are robbing people who drive public transport with a small amount of money for personal use.

Following the Prime Minister’s statement, looting intensified throughout Oromia. አስደንጋጭ ዝርፊያ በኦሮሚያ

አስደንጋጭ ዝርፊያ በኦሮሚያ

—አፈንዲ ሙተቂ– Afendi Muteki

የሚካሄደው ነገር ሁሉ “የህግ ያለህ! የሀገር ያለህ! የመንግሥት ያለህ!” የሚያሰኝ ነው። “2013 እንደ 2012 እንደማይሆን ተስፋ እናደርጋለን” ብንልም ገና ከጅምሮ ተስፋ የሚያጨልም ዘረፋ ተፈጥሮብናል። ድሮ ዘረፋ የሚያካሄደው ሆን ብሎ በዚህ ተግባር ላይ የሚሰማራ የጥፋት ሃይል ነበር። አሁን ግን መንግሥት ራሱ ጸጥታን እንዲያስከብር ያሰማራው ሃይል የዘረፋ ፊት አውራሪ ሆኖ ተከስቷል። ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ከሶስት ቀን በፊት የብር ኖቶች እንደሚለወጡ ባስታወቁበት መግለጫቸው “ፖሊሶች ከአንድ ሚሊዮን ብር በላይ በቤቱ አስቀምጦ የተገኘን ሰው ገንዘብ እንዲወርሱት ተፈቅዶላቸዋል” ብለው ነበር። ታዲያ ይህንን ቃል ተከትሎ በመላው ኦሮሚያ ዝርፊያ ተጧጡፏል። መደበኛው ፖሊስ እና ልዩ ፖሊስ የሚባለው ሃይል በመንገድ ላይ የሚጓዙ የህዝብ ማመላለሻ መኪናዎችን እያስቆሙ ተሳፋሪውን ፈትሸው ያገኙትን ገንዘብ እየዘረፉ ይገኛሉ።ፖሊሶቹ የዘረፋ ዒላማ በሚያደርጉት ገንዘብ ላይ የመጠን ልዩነት የለም። ሶስት ሺህ ብር የያዘ ሰው ይዘረፋል። አምስት ሺህ ብር የያዘም ይዘረፋል። አስር ሺህ ብር የያዘም ይዘረፋል። ሃያ ሺህ ብር የያዘም ይዘረፋል። ሃምሳ ሺህ ብር የያዘም ይዘረፋል። ሌላው ቀርቶ አንድ ሺህ ብር የተዘረፈ ሰው መኖሩንም እየሰማን ነው። የሚካሄደውን ዝርፊያ ያየ ሰው “ገንዘብ በእጅ መያዝ ተከልክሏል” የሚል አዋጅ የወጣ ነው የሚመስለው።ዝርፊያው በአንድ ቦታ ብቻ የሚካሄድ አይደለም። በመላው የኦሮሚያ ዞኖችና ወረዳዎች የጸጥታ ሃይሎች በጠራራ ጸሐይ የማኅበረሰቡን ገንዘብ እየቀሙት ነው። እርግጥ በህገ ወጥ መንገድ የሚንቀሳቀስ ገንዘብ መቆጣጠር በየትኛውም ሀገር የሚታወቅ አሰራር ነው። በተለይም ብዙ መጠን ያለው ገንዘብ ከቦታ ቦታ ሲዘዋወር ከሚያደርሰው የዋጋ ግሽበትና የኢኮኖሚ መደንበሽ አንጻር ቁጥጥር ሊደረግበት ይገባል። የውጪ ምንዛሬ ላይም ተመሳሳይ ቁጥጥር ይደረጋል።አሁን በኦሮሚያ የሚካሄደው ግን ከዚህ ፈጽሞ የተለየ ነው። ለግል መገልገያ የሚጠቅማቸውን መጠነኛ ገንዘብ ይዘው በህዝብ በመኪና የሚጓዙ ሰዎች ናቸው የዘረፋው ዒላማ እየሆኑ ያሉት። ሰሞኑን የወጣውን የብር ቅያሬ አዋጅ ተከትሎ ውስጥ ውስጡን “የወያኔዎችን የገንዘብ አቅም ለማዳከም የወጣ ውሳኔ ነው” የሚል ወሬ ሲሰማ ነበር። በእነዚህ ሁለት ቀናት ውስጥ የሚካሄደው ዝርፊያ ሲታይ ግን ብር የመቀየር ውሳኔውም ሆነ አፈጻጸሙ የኦሮሞን ሀብት ዘርፎ ህዝቡን ወደ ድህነት ለማስገባት ሲባል የወጡ ነው የሚመስሉት።—ገዥዎቻችን ህዝቡን ለመቆጣጠር ያስችለናል ያሉትን እርምጃ ሁሉ እንደሚወስዱ እናውቃለን። ሆኖም አንዳንዱ እርምጃ backfire አድርጎ ሀገሪቱን ወደ anarchy ሊያስገባ እንደሚችል የሚገነዘቡ አልሆኑም። አሁን በኦሮሚያ የምናየው የገንዘብ ዝርፊያ anarchy እንዲፈጠር አይነተኛ መንስኤ ሊሆን ይችላል። anarchy ከመጣ ደግሞ ከማንም ቀድመው የሚጠፉት ገዥዎቹ ራሳቸው ናቸው። ሀገሪቱም ትፈራርሳለች። ስለዚህ መንግሥት ነኝ የሚለው ሃይል ለራሱ ህልውና ሲል ይህንን ዝርፊያ በአስቸኳይ ሊያስቆመው ይገባል።

—-ግልባጭ — ለሀገር ውስጥና ለውጪ ሚዲያዎች

— ለኢትዮጵያ ሰብዓዊ መብት ኮሚሽን– ለኢትዮጵያ እምባ ጠባቂ ተቋም.

ማለዳ Media ከጋዜጠኛ ቤተልሔም ታፈሰ ጋር ያደረግነው ቆይታ September 8, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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OGF letter to Project Syndicate objecting the inclusion of an undeserving speaker, Abiy Ahmed, as a speaker at The Green Recovery virtual event, 16-17 September 2020 September 6, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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OGF letter to Project Syndicate objecting the inclusion of an undeserving speaker, Abiy Ahmed, as a speaker at The Green Recovery virtual event, 16-17 September 2020

Project Syndicate

P.O. Box 670

Kings ParkNY 117 54,

USA

Telephone: +420 607 887 761;+420 602 633 1050

Dear Sir or Madam,

RE: Undeserving speaker at The Green Recovery virtual event, 16-17 September 2020

We, the undersigned member organizations of the Global Oromia Forum, consisting of 41 Oromo Civic, Human Rights, and Religious organizations, wish to congratulate and support the Project Syndicate for organizing this timely event focusing on the most important theme impacting the continued survival of our planet. Climate change is no longer science fiction but the most consequential human activity-caused episode challenging our very existence. If we fail to take drastic actions today to decelerate or reverse the deteriorating trend, it is no longer if, but when the continued survival of life on earth as we know it will cease to exist. We believe the Green Recovery initiative is a step in the right direction to this end, the reason why we believe the planned virtual event is both critical and timely.

We also note the list of distinguished luminaries and global leaders lined up to share their wisdom and experience as keynote speakers, but with one particular caveat. The caveat, in our humble opinion supported by hard facts and figures detailed below, is the inclusion of an undeserving speaker, the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Dr. Abiy Ahmed. We strongly believe that his participation will bring unwanted scrutiny to the conference because of his records on gross human rights violations. Yes, the prime minister is a Nobel laureate, one of the criteria we understand the Project Syndicate considered to invite him as a keynote speaker at this event. However, there are so much compelling evidence that, in hindsight, suggests the most undeserving person got the most coveted prize in the first place. Don’t take our words on this, just ask the Nobel Peace Prize Committee if they would have bestowed the prestigious prize on Dr. Abiy had they known what they know today. They still are answering for the decision they made and have to defend it. He should not be honored once again by featuring him at this global event along with so many deserving and distinguished speakers.

In our view, here is why Dr. Abiy should not be rewarded with the honor of sharing the stage with these renowned world leaders and professionals with impeccable characters for, as we shall show below, he has reneged on his promise of transitioning Ethiopia to democracy, he is a shameless plagiarizer, and he is known to have changed his biography so often to fit what he believes his audiences would like to hear.

Dr. Abiy served as a senior member of the Tigrayan Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) dominated regime that terrorized Ethiopians for 27+years, with a record of hundreds of thousands of people killed, maimed, and disappeared during his tenure as Head of the Security Intelligence arm of the regime. In 2018, when the TPLF members of the regime were forced to retreat to Tigray, following sustained Oromo youth-led popular uprising for over 4+years, Mr. Abiy and his team came to power promising to transition the country into a genuine functional democracy, has officially apologized for the destruction of so many lives and squandering the wealth of the country. During the first year, he was indeed a trailblazer; signed a peace agreement with Eritrea, lifted so many draconian laws that stifled human rights and free speech, invited exiled opposition parties and leaders to return home and participate in a peaceful democratic process, promised to hold free and fair elections, open up the economy to allow increased private sector participation and the list goes on; actions that earned him unequivocal domestic and international support and a Nobel Prize for Peace and accolade of praises. Many believed that the Nobel Prize was a down payment for peace.

No sooner than he received the prize, however, Prime Minster realized that Ethiopians, especially Oromos he claimed to have represented as a blood relative resulting in his appointment as Prime Minister, unequivocally prefer opposition parties as their true leaders. With that realization, the Prime Minister and his team instantly halted in its tracks the so-called change they introduced and reneged on his promise to transition Ethiopia to democracy. They immediately launched a vicious war on unarmed individuals, organizations, and the grassroots that deposed the previous regime and paved the way for the Prime Minister and his team to come to power. His supporters assassinated a prominent Oromo artist, Hachaaluu Hundessa, who inspired and mobilized millions of Oromo youth against the previous tyrannical regime. During Oromia wide demonstrations that followed Hachaaluu’s assassination, the state security forces killed hundreds of demonstrators, jailed most opposition party leaders and activists, closed or destroyed opposition parties’ offices and properties, carried out extrajudicial killings of the Oromo public suspected of being supporters of the opposition, closed Oromo media houses, jailed their staff and management, and looted their properties.

As documented in multiple Amnesty International reports on Human rights status in Ethiopia (Amnesty International Report on Human Rights Violations, May 29, 2020; https://www.amnesty.org/en/countries/africa/ethiopia/report-ethiopia/), the Prime Minister and the state he is presiding over are waging state-sanctioned terror on Oromos and oppressed nations and nationalities in Ethiopia; the reason why he doesn’t deserve nor should he be rewarded with the honor of sharing a stage with globally recognized world leaders and professionals. Moreover, Dr. Abiy is also intellectually dishonest, widely known as a prolific plagiarizer of other people’s works and speeches verbatim (https://somalilandchronicle.com/2018/08/26/dr-plagiarizer-ethiopian-prime-minister-plagiarizes-henry-kissinger/). He is an infamous impersonator, having repeatedly claimed varying versions of his parents’ ethnic background that seem to change depending on his audience’s prevalent ethnicity and his perception of what that audience wants to hear about his origin of ethnicity. According to BBC report published on October 11. 2019 (https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-43567007), he claimed his father is a Muslim Oromo and his mother is a Christian Amhara (also quoted in the Nobel Prize Institute’s biography of the Prime Minister). He has repeatedly confirmed this claim in multiple interviews he gave to various media platforms available on YouTube. He is also on record, claiming both his father and mother are Oromos in an interview he granted to the Oromo Broadcasting Network TV as recent as July 15, 2020 (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fZATZ5Q-EyE&ab_channel=OBNOromiyaa%5BOromiaBroadcastingNetwork%5D). In our opinion, allowing Dr. Abiy to speak at this event risks tarnishing the good name and image of Project Syndicate, diminishes that stature of the event, and possibly disseminate plagiarized messages on this very important topic. We thus kindly request Project Syndicate urgently to rescind the invitation to Dr. Abiy Ahmed to prevent any detraction from the real issue of the conference and also because this could be construed as unwittingly enabling a murderous tyrant who did not and is not valuing human life.

Allowing Dr. Abiy to appear on this world stage, to speak to the environment, is tantamount to ignoring the death of those children, the old and young people, and hundreds of thousands incarcerated in COVID-19 infested jails, and those young girls being raped daily by his soldiers as a deterrent. All this ongoing death and destruction is due to Abiy’s official shoot-to-kill policy to deter any kind of protest from his tyranny. One must also examine the inconsistencies of this man’s educational records to know what a master manipulator he has been throughout his life. The fundamental question is this, what kind of wisdom about climate change can this despicable, intellectually bankrupt, and a profoundly flawed human being can offer at such a global forum? If this invitation stands, he will use it to polish his image that has been tarnished beyond any repair, regardless. We sincerely hope and passionately urge that in virtue of the above, Project Syndicate will reconsider its invitation and dissociate itself from a leader of one of the most murderous regimes the world has seen in recent years. If not for anything else, just to preserve the image and credibility of the organization. Attached is a graphic snapshot of the atrocities committed by Abiy’s security forces against innocent Oromo citizens.

Oromia Global Forum

Signatories:

1. Advocacy4Oromia

2. Bilal Oromo Dawa Center

3. Canaan Oromo Evangelical Church

4. Charismatic International Fellowship Church

5. DMV Oromo Islamic Center6. Gaadisa Sabboontottaa KP

7. Global Gumii Oromia

8. Global Oromo Advocacy Group

9. Global Waaqeffannaa Council

10. Horn of Africa Genocide Watch

11. Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa

12. International Oromo Lawyers Association

13. International Oromo Women’s Organization

14. International Qeerroo Support Group

15. Network of Oromo Studies

16. Mana Kiristaanaa Fayyisaa Addunyaa

17. Oromo Christ Evangelical Lutheran Church

18. Oromo Communities’ Association of North America

19. Oromo Community of Bergen

20. Oromo Community of Oslo

21. Oromo Evangelical Lutheran Church of Los Angeles

22. Oromo Evangelical Lutheran Church of Washington DC Metropolitan Area

23. Oromo Evangelical Lutheran Mission Society

24. Oromo Human Rights and Relief Organization

25. Oromo Legacy, Leadership and Advocacy Association

26. Oromo Lutheran Church of Baltimore

27. Oromo Relief Association in USA

28. Oromo Parliamentarians Council

29. Oromo Political Prisoners Association

30. Oromo Resurrection Evangelical Church

31. Oromo Scholars and Professinals

32. Oromia Support Group

33. Oromo Studies Association

34. Tawfiq Islamic Center

35. Tawhid Oromo Islamic Center in Minnesota

36. Union of Oromo Communities in Canada

37. United Oromo Chirstian Church in Australia

38. United Oromo Evangelical Church39. Wabii Maccaa Association

40. Washington DC Metropolitan Oromo SDA Church

Potential Macroeconomic Implication of World Bank Decline of USD 2 billion Loan to Ethiopia September 6, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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Dábessá Gemelal

During such time as this, when the global economy is at the cross road and that of the LDCs’ economy including of Ethiopia is terribly impacted by multitudes of challenges such as conflicts, displacement, flooding, locust infestation, COVID-19 pandemic and others, the decline by WB to give a lone amounting to USD 2 billion will have multiple economic impacts. Here are some of the potential impacts:- Deteriorates Debt Repayment Capacity: Such soft loan from the WB/IMF/AfDB or similar financial institution usually improves nation’s capacity to pay their commercial debts to such country as China.

The inability to pay own debt will have global level credit worthiness impact;- Slowdown import dependent industrial operation: Ethiopia’s industries are largely import dependent, whereby the largest share of the row materials are imported. Hence, during this time when the country is suffering from foreign currency shortage, the lack of such loan will impact the industries significantly;- Decline in Importation of Essential Item: the country is already overheated by the shortage of foreign exchange to import essential times for domestic consumption.

As a result the price rice during the month of July 2020 has gotten closer to 23%. Hence, absence of loan will aggravate the situation and rate of inflation could further increase;- Challenge in the Completion of Mega projects: The country is said of implementing mega projects such as sugar factories, irrigation schemes, hydro power, infrastructural development and many other. Such projects heavily rely on loan from the big global financial institutions. The WB’s decline of this loan would then mean a big challenge for the country to progress in the implementation of this mega projects- Challenge to Maintain Sufficient National Reserve: in the absence of sufficient and affordable loans, the country might resort to the depletion of its national reserve to meet critical demands.

Whereas, the country’s national reserve is already at lower level, which barely covers 2.5 months need of the country;- Challenge to Attract FDI: in country where there is liquidity crunch in terms of foreign currency, the probability for FDI to comer to the country is very low. That is because the investors need sufficient foreign current for importation as well as maintaining portion of their earning oversea.

These are few of the macroeconomic impacts of the current WB’s decline of the $2 billion. As such, the impact will be on all sectors and also on individual to the national economy.

Related article:

Awol Kassim Allo

The political and economic costs of pursuing political opponents through the courts are far greater than the benefits**************************************************************

It has been more than two months since Jawar Mohammed and several other leading members of the Oromo opposition were detained based on bogus accusations. More than two months after the high profile arrests, the govt is yet to bring formal charges against them bc it as no case that serves the gov’t political agenda while also meeting the requirements of criminal law. The three people formally charged thus far – Dajanee Xaafaa, Mastawardii Tamam, and Mishaa Cirrii – were charged for a crime unrelated to the events used as a justification for the arrests.Weaponising the justice system to pursue political adversaries is is politically counter-productive and economically ruinous. Over the last two months, there have been anti-Abiy rallies in major cities across Europe, the USA, Canada and Australia. In Oromia, we have witnessed a groundswell of protests, particularly by Oromo women. These are extremely damaging to the image of the country and a PM that won the Nobel Peace Prize only a year ago. These protests are also economically ruinous both in the short and the long term. Detaining political opponents in a country that is tearing itself apart can only complicate its structural uncertainties and deepens its explosive national and subnational faultlines. Put simply, it would make eventual political settlement impossible.I believe the PM understands that the political and economic risks (costs) of pursuing political opponents through the courts are far greater than its benefits. No reasonable person can believe that the government can lock these individuals behind bars and ensure peace and stability while millions of Oromos are saying: “No Peace without Justice”. The anger that we see on the streets both in Ethiopia and abroad would only grow in scale and magnitude if the government persists with these trials and its anti-democratic move to impose a unilateral political settlement for the country. Abiy Ahmed can and must release all political prisoners and return to dialogue. It is the only way to save Ethiopia from the abyss.

መፍረስ? ያንተዋ ኢትዮጵያ የፈረሰችውስ፣ እኛ መብትና ፍትህ ስለጠየቅን ሳይሆን፣ የእኛን መብት በመግፋት፣ የእኛን የሕዝቦቿን ሰብዓዊ ክብር በመርገጥ፣ እኛን ለማፍረስ ተማምላ ከቤት የወጣች ዕለት ነው። September 6, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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መፍረስ?

By Dr #Tsegaye_Ararssa

ለመሆኑ 150 ዓመት ሙሉ አገር እየፈረሰብን፣ ሕግና ሥርዓት እየፈረሰብን፣ ዕምነትና ልማድ እየተናደብን፣ ታሪክና ማንነት እየተሻረብን፣ ቤትና ቤተሰብ እየፈረሰብን፣ ሕዝብና ማህበረሰብ እየተደረመሰብን፣ ሕይወትና አካል እየጎደለብን፣ ዕለት ዕለት እየተገደልን ለኖርን ለእኛ፣ መብት ሲጠየቅ “ትፈርሳለች” የምትባለዋ አገር እንደምን ያለች ናት?

ወንድሜ፣ ያንተዋ ኢትዮጵያ የፈረሰችውስ፣ እኛ መብትና ፍትህ ስለጠየቅን ሳይሆን፣ የእኛን መብት በመግፋት፣ የእኛን የሕዝቦቿን ሰብዓዊ ክብር በመርገጥ፣ እኛን ለማፍረስ ተማምላ ከቤት የወጣች ዕለት ነው።

አብይና የወንጀለኛ ስብስብ የሆነው የብልጥግና ‘መንግሥቱም’ የፈረሱት፣ እኛን በማፍረስ “ኢትዮጵያን [ከእኛ ከሕዝቦቿ፣ በተለይ ከኦሮሞ] ለመታደግ” በሚል የእብድ መፈክር ዙሪያ መማማል የጀመረ ዕለት ነው።

እና መብት ስለተጠየቀ የሚፈርስ አገር የለም።የመብትና የፍትህ ጥያቄ የሚያፈርሰው ‘አገር’ ከሆነም፣ ድሮም አገር አልነበረም ማለት ነው። የመብትና የፍትህ ጥያቄን የማይቋቋምና የማይመልስ፣ አልፎም የሚፈራ አገር፣ አገር ሊባል የተገባ አይደለምና መኖርም የለበትም።አገር ምድር አይደለም። አገር ፖለቲካዊ ማህበረሰብ ነው። መብቶችንና ጥቅሞችን አሰባስቦ፣ አስማምቶ፣ አቻችሎ በጋራ የሚተዳደር፣ ሥርዓትና ተቋማት ያለው ነገር (entity) ነው። ለዚህ ነው “አገር ማለት ሕዝብ ነው፣ አገር ማለት ሰዉ ነው” የሚባለው።ሰው እያፈረስክ የምትገነባውም ሆነ የምታድነው አገር የለም።አንድ ሰው ስትገድል፣ የአንድ ዜጋን መብት አላግባብ ስትጥስ፣ አገራዊ መርሆዎችንና እሴቶችን ስታንኳስስ፣ ያኔ ነው አገር ማፍረስ የጀመርከው።ሕዝብን ስታፈርስ፣ ወይም ለማፍረስ አቅደህ ላይ ታች እያልክ ስትንከላወስ፣ ያኔ ነው እንደ አገር የፈረስከው።የሕዝብን ሰብዓዊ ክብር ስታዋርድ፣ ሕዝብን እንደ ሕዝብ ለመስደብ ተደራጅተህ በሚዲያ ደቦ ተቧድነህ ለፕሮፓጋንዳ የሚሆን የሥራ ክፍፍል አድርገህ ስትዘምት፣ ያኔ ነው እንደ አንድ ፖለቲካዊ ማሕበረሰብ አገራዊ ቁመናህን ያጣኸው።

That’s why we say #Abiy_is_the_past, and Ethiopia is the home that never was for us. And that’s why we say…#Abiy_must_be_removed!#ለእነ_መፍረስ_ብርቁ#ለእነ_አፍራሽ!

Ethiopia’s Political Show Trials & The Rights Of Detainees Under Ethiopian And International Law: Exploring International Accountability September 5, 2020

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Click here to watch on Facebook:Ethiopia’s Political Show Trials & The Rights Of Detainees Under Ethiopian And International Law: Exploring International Accountability

Pertinent comparison drawn here by IOLA chair @Israelgobena on the similarities between Nelson Mandela and Mamo Mezemir, whose profound quote he shares here in this clip. Take a listen!

Tune in for the remainder of IOLA's conference (live now!): https://t.co/qnULfnEUYb pic.twitter.com/rlv3twwc3i

— International Oromo Lawyers' Association (IOLA) (@Oromo_Lawyers) September 5, 2020

Oromia: Waamicha Qeerroo Marsaa 4ffaa #OromoProtests September 4, 2020

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#OromoProtests Uggura Embaasii Bilstiginnaa Berlin Guyyaa 5ffaa fii kan xumuraa September 4, 2020

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Uggura Embaasii Bilstiginnaa Berlin Guyyaa 5ffaa fii kan xumuraa

Ethiopia: Do you want peace? Do these simple things September 2, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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Modest Proposals ( Tsegaye Ararsa )

Do you want peace? Do these simple things:

1. Release all the political prisoners.

2. Stop the house arrest on Oromo leaders.

3. Stop the protracted state terror across Oromia.

4. Stop your divisive propaganda among religions, regions, and factions.

5. Free OMN.

6. Hands off Oromo media outlets.

7. Stop hate propaganda on Government media outlets and its affiliates.

8. Stop war-mongering on Tigray just because they are conducting elections.

9. Stop inciting violence and arming local vigilantes to perpetrate hate crimes.

10. Stop arming criminals and thugs against Oromos in cities such as Finfinnee. Stop terrorizing Oromos in Finfinnee and all the (garrison) towns. In particular, expose the ኢዜማ-ባልደራስ-ብልጥግና thugs who are organizing themselves “to launch urban guerrilla war” (የፈረንሳይ ሌጋሲዮን ሽምቅ ተዋጊዎች) and hold them to account.

11. Stop weaponizing the law to attack dissidents.

12. Arrest the land theft and the protracted invasion (through illegal settlements, or in the name of building churches).

13. Punish the assassins of #Haacaaluu_Hundeessaa, or take full responsibility for the assassination. Establish truth, render justice.

14. Remove the army from all civilian sites in Oromia.

15. Set up a provisional administration of Abbaa Gadaa Council in Oromia.

16. Address the demands of the numerous southern nations to self-rule. Stop the violence against the Wolaita people. Stop divisive politics to pit one against the other in the SNNPRS. Stop the near imperial (re)mapping procedure to cram groups into your arbitrary clusters

17. Remove senile generals who have overstayed their service long after their retirement age. (This includes the likes of Berhanu Julaa who are turning a segment of the military into a private attack squad of Abiy Ahmed.) Stop undermining the constitutional status, tasks, and responsibilities of the military by dragging them into your dirty (and insane) Bilxiginna politics.

18. Establish law and order in the ANRS. Stop the politics of banditry and brigandage.

19. Put institutional sanity to the organization, training, and operations of the police, the proliferating ‘Special Forces,” and other armed bodies. Secure peace and safety of the citizenry.

20. Remove Abiy Ahmed (and take him to a mental care institution to prevent self-harm as he is repeatedly vowing to commit suicide unless he has his way).

21. Launch an all-inclusive deliberation towards a comprehensive roadmap for democratic transition.—–Anything else, or anything less, is a joke. The struggle continues.